Comentario Internacional: Journal of the Andean Center of International Studies
Comentario Internacional: Journal of the Andean Center for International Studies is an annual academic publication (December) that disseminates original articles in Spanish and English. The journal contributes to the global debate on International Studies in Latin America by publishing theoretical and empirical research from various methodological perspectives.
Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador
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Epistemologies of Inclusion across Continents and Cultures: Radical Realism and Storytelling
For any story, what matters is how it is told and heard. Rutherford describes storytelling as action-guiding. It can allow a division of labor between the teller(s) and the reader(s)/ listener(s). Simply by the story being told, normatively justified forms of action can be inferred. Although this account of storytelling looks more prescriptive than realist, noone is compelled upon reading or listening to it to follow it regardless of how exacting it is. Stories, provided we are epistemically just in our reading and listening, can overcome the dichotomy between prescriptive and interpretive understandings. The opening up of this possibility can furnish contemporary realists with non-moralist and non-status quo affirming normative precepts. Starting from the recognition that how we know reality and how we articulate that knowledge scaffolds how our research processes, we can reconfigure and invent revised judgments about the limits of (political) educational possibility. Through evidence based on collaborative practice, interdisciplinary groups of undergraduate higher education students from the global south and north, virtually navigated the multiple perspectives of volatility, unpredictability, and complexity of our interrelated world through migration stories. By expanding their collective capacity to hold space for difficult conversations about the stories they heard, they opened up the possibility of furnishing non-moralist and non-status quo affirming normative precepts.
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Realism: Its Relevance and Need for Renewal
This paper uses the theoretical lens of realism to analyze the events of World War II generally, and the decision to use the bomb specifically to show how realism still finds salience in international relations theorizing. It shows, however, that while realism has a parsimonious and compelling explanation for how the world works, that there are limits to its explanatory and predictive power. Globalization, international cooperation and interdependence, climate change, refugee crises, pandemics and the flows of people and money across borders are all geopolitical features that realism as a theory has no adequate answer for. The world has changed significantly since 1945 and other schools of thought have emerged that also address the dynamics of the international system in which we live. Liberalism, constructivism and feminism are therefore some of the other perspectives that help us better understand international politics. Realist thinkers should therefore take the opportunity to review some of the theory’s main tenets in order to better respond to its limitations.
Critique of the Realist Approach from a Historical-Conceptual Perspective within the Discipline
The realistic approach in International Relations is often considered the discipline itself. From its origins, through various circumstances and theoretical debates, to the first quarter of the 21st century, its place and prestige, though questioned, remain in the practice of international politics and in the disciplinary epistemic community. However, from a historical perspective of the evolution of the discipline, in which its foundations are reviewed and questioned, such a place can be challenged. Thus, the objective of this article is to propose a critique using the methodology of conceptual history, reflective metatheory, and empirical analysis. The result is that realism in the discipline has been politically motivated and oriented, which calls into question it supposed scientific objectivity, as well as presenting sustained inconsistencies in its ontological and epistemological foundations; this hinders understanding, among other things, the problem of international change, being insufficient to analyze, for example, borders today. It is concluded that realism, while it can provide normative terms and reflections, is only a limited approach in a broader and richer crucible of theories, which is why academics are invited to explore multiple theoretical possibilities based on a historical, situated, and conceptual understanding of the discipline.
Copyright (c) 2025 Comentario Internacional: Revista del Centro Andino de Estudios Internacionales https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
Culture and International Business: Case Study Ecuador vs. China, Period 2017-2021
This study analyzes the cultural factors influencing international negotiations, taking as an example the trade relationship between Ecuador and China. China, a culturally diverse country, with strong economic and ideological influence, and is one of Ecuador’s main trading partners. The objective is to identify the cultural elements that must be taken into account to achieve positive results in negotiations. The analysis is given through quantitative and qualitative approaches. The trade balance of recent years will be examined to understand the trade relationship between the two countries. In addition, a literature review of relevant sources on interculturality in the business context will be conducted to obtain strategies that can be applied during negotiations. Interviews were also conducted to provide valuable information for developing an effective action model. With this in mind, it is hoped to improve the performance of the negotiations by strengthening the commercial relationship between the two countries.
The State as an Actor in International Relations: A View from Realism
The aim of this article is to analyze the state as an actor in the realist theory of international relations. First, an analysis of the concept of state is made from a historical perspective that allows us to understand the dynamism of the concept. Then the analysis of the role of the state within the realistic theory is carried out comparing its theoretical approaches with current examples of international relations. Finally, it is suggested that, despite the fact that the heyday of realist theory occurred after the Second World War and until the 1970s, the fall of the Twin Towers, the advance of China’s influence in the world and the war between Russia and Ukraine lead us to understand that the struggle for power and influence continue to make states the key players in the international system.
Hemispheric South America: The Realistic Conceptionthat Allows for the Configuration of a Viable RegionalIntegration in the Current Multipolar System
South America has undergone multiple integration processes that have succumbed to the political ups and downs of the region’s governments, with only subregional initiatives surviving, such as the CAN or MERCOSUR. But from the Brazilian geopolitical perspective, a distinguishable regional pole must be created in the international system, based on the Brasilia-Buenos Aires axis, the axis of South American power. UNASUR symbolized the most finished process of this perspective, but the lack of regional consensus prevented its deepening, giving way to another failed initiative, PROSUR. The solution to these successive failures is to change the conception of regional integration towards a realistic approach to international relations, adopting the balance of power in the analysis of the international system. This implies the conception of a South American pole intrinsically intertwined with the rest of the American continent, which recognizes the historical and political link with the Americas and with it, the awareness of the importance of the United States for stability in the hemisphere, beyond the American governments of the day. Our contribution from Realism is to propose the concept of “hemispheric South America”, to reflect the real possibilities of regional integration with autonomy from extra-regional powers, based on the Brasilia-Buenos Aires axis, and that at the same time, be recognized as a region anchored to the rest of the continent in terms of its historical and political future, within an increasingly anarchic international system due to its growing multipolarity.
Innovative Financial Instruments for Climate Action: Challenges and Opportunities of Debt for Climate Swaps in Latin America
Sovereign debt crisis and accelerating climate change have emerged as deeply interconnected global challenges. The fiscal impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the economic fallout from the Ukraine war have pushed public debt to historic highs, while the frequency and severity of climate disasters continue to intensify. These converging crises disproportionately affect developing countries, spurring renewed attention to debt-for-climate action swaps as a potential policy solution. This article presents a comprehensive analysis of such debt swap mechanisms, drawing on an original dataset spanning from their inception in the late 1980s to present-day initiatives. We focus particularly on Latin America, a region that offers valuable insights given its extensive experience with both sovereign debt crises and debt-for-nature swaps, coupled with its high vulnerability to climate change impacts.
Colombia and Anti-Money Laundering Regulations: The Influence of the Financial Action Task Force
The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) guides international standards on money laundering and terrorist financing. Given Colombia’s past in money laundering, especially in the context of the country’s conflict between guerrilla groups, paramilitary groups and the state, this research paper seeks to answer the question “How has Colombia adopted FATF standards in its own war against money laundering?” This is done through an investigation of the mutual evaluations of Colombia conducted by the Latin American Financial Action Task Force (GAFILAT) along with a study of Colombia’s existing anti-money laundering regulations. After reviewing the recommendations that GAFILAT proposed to Colombia as a result of the mutual evaluations, this paper will analyze the implementation of those recommendations. The conclusions of this paper include a detailed explanation of how these anti-money laundering recommendations were implemented in Colombia and that the country’s intensified anti-money laundering regulations are the result of GAFILAT. However, it is unclear whether this implementation has necessarily had a positive impact on Colombia’s anti-money laundering war because there are inconsistencies in the number of recommendations met and the work is not analyzed along with any quantitative money data.
The Blind Spots of Neoclassical Economics in the Political Economy of 21st-Century Cocaine
The text raises the existence of conceptual, empirical and disciplinary limitations in neoclassical economics that hinder the understanding of the complexities related to the cocaine economy in the Andean countries. It is argued that the Political Economy of Cocaine alone cannot address all the dimensions and processes linked to this phenomenon. To address this issue more fully, it is suggested that the interconnections between the Political Economy of Cocaine, Political Ecology PE and Ecological Economics EE be explored, especially with regard to the environmental consequences of coca leaf cultivation and cocaine trade. The need to consider different approaches and disciplines for a more comprehensive understanding is raised. In addition, it proposes the development of a “New Political Economy” that goes beyond the traditional conceptual framework centered on “drug trafficking”. This implies the recalibration and reformulation of existing concepts for a more precise understanding of the Political Economy of Cocaine and its implications for the Andean countries and Latin America.
The Realist Approach in 21st-Century International Studies
El orden internacional de las últimas décadas, tal como se configuró a fines de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ya no tiene asidero en el actual estado de los asuntos internacionales, en el que predominan el desorden y la poca (o nula) previsibilidad de los actores en los ámbitos tanto interno como externo. Proliferan en Occidente Gobiernos con cada vez más dificultades para gobernar.
Current Vision of Multilateralism: Towards a Renewed Post-Pandemic International Community
The new policies that have emerged over the years and have been shaped, certainly, from the framework of the Second World War and the creation of two antagonistic ideologies, have marked the international agenda and established a point of no return in alliances. and cooperation between states. Thus, the States have been forming blocks of cooperation, assistance and integration from the common points that the nations have been finding, guided in turn, by clearly geopolitical issues. Thus, multilateralism appears, on the international horizon, as that manifestation of the States that seek to improve the situation that concerns them, through agreements between them and the creation of organizations that, within the framework of the functions provided by their Founding letters, can host meetings, treaties and conferences in the search for consensus and the preservation of international security. The truth is that the pandemic has allowed the paradigms to change, that multilateralism faces a series of challenges that are gradually being updated and suggests a change in the horizon of alliances between States and, above all, allow new actors appear on the international spectrum to contribute to the international obligations that international society requires to survive and return to normalcy with, of course, a new community system.
The Change from Liquid to Gaseous of the Interagency Bodies of Public International Law in Latin America: A Game Theory’s Perspective
At the beginning of the 21st century, Latin American integration in organizations such as UNASUR, MERCOSUR and CELAC was projected as a promising future for multilateral cooperation. However, the internal political processes of each nation shelved the development of ambitious projects in multilateralism. This essay proposes an analysis, using the theory of games, on the political, economic, and social factors that shape multilateralism in Latin America. Through a constructivist approach, the paper argues that the states that integrate the intergovernmental organizations of public international law are agencies. This allows to understand that the multilateral agencies in Latin America undergo periodic changes regarding the institutionalization of their agencies. It is explained from the change of states of matter: while the liquid adapts and permeates as ideas in the discursive atmosphere, when there is a breaking point, this changes state and turns to gaseous, dispersing both the states parties and the ideas that founded the international body. It is concluded that, since 2020, the global and regional challenges faced by states in terms of security, environment and trade require a rethinking of the foundations of multilateralism and current Public International Law in Latin America.
The Problem of Latin American Integration: Why Are the Objectives Not Being Fulfilled? An Analysis of the Andean Community
The Andean Community is one of the oldest international organizations in the region, which has focused its objectives, mainly on the economic development of the bloc’s member countries. However, and in spite of the bloc’s constant efforts to meet all of its behind-the-scenes objectives, the CAN appears to be destined to function at half its capabilities and to fail in achieving its objectives. In this sense, this essay aims to study why CAN objectives are not being fulfilled. Based on this, the article will try to unveil this question through a historical analysis of the integration process in Latin America. Later, it will study the CAN integration process, and finally it will analyze the factors that lead to the integration process does not manage to meet the objectives that have been set. In this sense, it is understood that the main reasons why the project fails are: 1. due to the lack of will of the Member States; 2. a cause of ideological disputes that are diametrically opposed between members; and 3. due to the lack of strong leadership in the integration process.
Multilateralism in Agony and Its Challenges for the Future
Talking about multilateralism as part of a globalized world is common, especially in International Relations; however, the use of this concept is usually in its literal sense, without understanding its qualitative aspect, importance and the evolution it has had over the years. Therefore, this essay will use the theoretical contribution of John Gerard Ruggie in his article Multilateralism: the Anatomy of an Institution, with the aim of having a more complete definition, identifying its characteristics and the role that the United States had in shaping it after the postwar, but also clarifying that its existence preceded it. On the other hand, it will be determined the main challenges that have been presented to the multilateral, including the leading role that China has acquired and the competition between actors, as well as showing that it is not new that multilateralism is in crisis, but that this has been worsened with the COVID-19 pandemic. In fact, this has shown how nationalism and individualistic policies in the vaccine production and vaccination process have prevailed over the calls of institutions such as the World Health Organization for global solidarity and international cooperation.
The Andean Community and Ecuador’s Foreign Policy between 2007-2017: A Constructivist Approach that Evidences the Fragile Collective Identity of the CAN
This article analyzes Ecuador’s foreign policy during Rafael Correa’s administration as a determining factor in changing Ecuador’s identity within the international system. It argues that this new identity created frictions with the Andean Community (CAN) and several of its members, such as Colombia and Peru, further weakening the already fragile collective identity. The analysis is framed within constructivism, specifically drawing from national role theory. To determine the specific role Ecuador played in the international system and how it interacted with the CAN during Rafael Correa’s government, two fundamental instruments that shaped foreign policy are considered: the 2007–2010 National Development Plan and the 2009–2013 National Plan for Good Living. As a result, the study concludes that there was indeed a shift in Ecuador’s ideas, interests, and identity. The new concept of national sovereignty, combined with the interest in reconfiguring the international order and distancing from “hegemonic” actors such as the United States and the European Union, are key elements that justify Ecuador’s break with the CAN. These elements were reflected in Ecuador’s new role within the international community.
Mercenaries in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
The use of mercenaries in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been a recurrent phenomenon throughout its history, linked to internal conflicts, foreign interests and the exploitation of natural resources. In this sense, this study analyzes three aspects of this problem. First, it analyzes the reasons why international actions to counteract mercenaries have not had the necessary effect, dividing them into formal and substantive reasons. Secondly, the enrollment of children and young people in armed groups is addressed as a problem, specifically analyzing two types of enrollment. Finally, transdisciplinarity and impunity in the territory are studied through environmental and geopolitical perspectives. The paper concludes that more effective international actions are needed, including the regulation of private security companies, the fight against corruption and the protection of the rights of children and youth affected by war.
The Rise of China’s Paradiplomacy, an Opportunity for Ecuador?
This paper aims to present an overview of paradiplomacy and its processes in Ecuador and China in recent decades. It is necessary to give a context to the development of this practice in subnational politics, together with the positive scope, limitations and challenges that are found in each region in particular. Furthermore, it seeks to exemplify the political, economic, social, and cultural benefits that promote paradiplomacy as a regular way of conducting international relations between subnational governments, especially between distant central governments, both geographically and ideologically. Finally, it showcases the relationship between Ecuador and China, and briefly addresses the benefits that Ecuadorian subnational governments could obtain from the rise of their Chinese counterparts in the Asian political and economic sphere. Chinese paradiplomacy is found to present an opportunity for its Ecuadorian counterparts to be part of a global and regional economic and political network that is being generated around major Chinese economic zones.
Venezuelan Migration in Ecuador: A Look at Before and After the Pandemic
Since 2015, the departure of Venezuelan citizens to Latin American countries modified the migratory landscape of the region. Ecuador has turned out to be one of the main destinations, both for transit and for reception. The country has made a series of changes in its migration policies, reaching a radical modification towards 2018. The pandemic caused by COVID-19, increases the vulnerability of Venezuelan population residing in Ecuador. Therefore, this paper studies the response of the Ecuadorian State to the Venezuelan migratory wave before and after the COVID-19 pandemic. To carry out this work, previously collected data is analyzed. These focus on areas such as economic activity, housing conditions and education of the Venezuelan population residing in Quito - Ecuador. As a result, it is found that the Ecuadorian legislation raises a series of guarantees, which in practice are not fulfilled. It is concluded that there is a need to rethink the operation of Ecuadorian institutions.
Multilateralism in Transition: A New International Order
El número de Comentario Internacional que presentamos trata un tema crucial en nuestros tiempos, el multilateralismo, como homenaje a Diego Cordovez, presidente fundador del Centro Andino de Estudios Internacionales.
Crítica al enfoque realista desde una perspectiva histórico conceptual disciplinar
El enfoque realista en Relaciones Internacionales suele declararse la disciplina misma. Desde sus orígenes, pasando por distintas circunstancias y debates teóricos, hasta el primer cuarto del siglo XXI, su lugar y prestigio, aunque cuestionados, se mantienen en la práctica de la política internacional y en la comunidad epistémica disciplinar. Sin embargo, desde una perspectiva histórica de evolución de la disciplina, bajo la que se revisen y cuestionen sus fundamentos, tal lugar puede ser impugnado. De tal manera, el objetivo de este artículo es proponer una crítica mediante la metodología de la historia conceptual, la metateoría reflectivista y un análisis empírico. El resultado es que el realismo en la disciplina ha sido políticamente motivado y orientado, lo que pone en duda su supuesta objetividad científica, además de presentar sostenidas inconsistencias en sus fundamentos ontológicos y epistemológicos; esto impide comprender, en otros, el problema del cambio internacional, siendo insuficiente para analizar, por ejemplo, las fronteras en la actualidad. Se concluye que el realismo si bien puede aportar términos y reflexiones normativas, solo es un enfoque limitado en un amplio y más rico crisol de teorías, razón por la cual se invita a los académicos a explorar las múltiples posibilidades teóricas a partir de una comprensión histórica, situada y conceptual de la disciplina.
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Human Rights and Their Metaphysical Foundational Problems
This article will analyze the thought of Professor Robert Alexy, that related to the metaphysical foundation of human rights, where the central thesis is developed that the validity of human rights is based on the very existence of rights as a moral norm Therefore, in a descriptive way, we will begin with the characterization of human rights, at least from their main particularities, to the dual metaphysical foundation of rights proposed by the professor from Kiel, then mention will be made of the objections that are presented to this metaphysical foundation, where the analysis of the objections made will be contrasted with the presentation of the scheme of the system of norms proposed by Hans Kelsen, in this sense, the debate would focus on the proposal of the metaphysical foundation of human rights within of the system of moral norms guided by the static principle of norms, which would include its elements of validity and enforceability in the field of its creation and operation, therefore, the present work is concluded by arguing that the contradictions and implications of the metaphysical foundation of human rights do not reach legal systems guided by the dynamic principle of norms, but is applicable and enforceable in the systems of moral norms.
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An Integration that Does Not Integrate: A Look at the Energy Experience at Unasur
Given the strategic importance of energy in increasing productivity and improving the standard of living of a society; In recent years, integration projects in South America have incorporated this resource as an essential element for development. In fact, with the signing of the Unasur constitution treaty, in 2008, a regional strategy began with a view to institutionalizing the energy regime to involve all countries that are already participants in this scheme. However, the region has not been able to move from official statements to policy implementation. Thus, in this article it is argued that there are three obstacles that converge and persist in South American regionalism: institutional flexibility, heterogeneity in the margins of agency and overlapping of regional organizations. Likewise, within the framework of the dissolution of Unasur, some perspectives are offered for the energy project in the region.
South American Regional Integration: From Adolescence to Maturity
Along its history, the South American subcontinent has demonstrated strong wishes oriented to regional integration, and particularly starting from 1960 with the foundation of the “Asociación Latinoamericana de Libre Comercio” (ALALC). However, until nowadays, the main actors in the continental landscape keep being the national states, while the regional organizations created until now have become more or less effective spaces of dialogue between countries or even reached their complete failure. The present article takes as its main objective that of demystify those that I consider “false obstacles” to regional integration, pointing then out those which I consider real limits hindering a concrete, deep and mature cooperation between south American countries and, finally, proposing some possible solutions for south American regional integration to pass from its current “adolescence” to a complete maturity.
South Africa’s Involvement in Zimbabwe’s Suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations
This article delves upon Zimbabwe’s 2002 suspension from the Commonwealth of Nations and the relentless efforts of South Africa and other peers to get that suspension lifted, in the context of continuous rebuttals from states such as the UK and Australia. The research piece touches primarily upon the underlying motives for the said suspension, as well as the reasoning behind the bandwagoning of nations on the ongoing issues plaguing Zimbabwe in the early 2000s. Furthermore, it tangentially covers themes such as: the balance within the Commonwealth, global North versus South interpretations of democracy – and the realities they produce, and the rationale of two-sided post-colonial narratives. In our endeavour we have used a series of primary and secondary literary sources. Our conclusion is that South Africa gave primacy to its own foreign policy objectives, and thereby, allowed democracy to continue to disintegrate in Zimbabwe. Our research piece purposefully lacks the classical structure one might expect, for we consider that the chosen style of organizing information best befits the general public and specialized reads alike.
Brexit, Englixit? Disintegration and How Taking Back Control Means Giving Up Control
This contribution seeks to explore what disintegration can mean for a language, with a focus on Brexit and the English language. Linguistic differences are often instrumentalized as drivers of disintegration. However, in the case of Brexit, disintegration will also affect the status of the English language. Due to the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union, English will no longer be a first official language of any European member state; it is only the second official language in Ireland and Malta. This has important political and legal repercussions, that affect the future of the English language in the EU after Brexit. Based on desk research, we see two avenues for the future of the English language within the EU: it could be replaced by another major European language (German/ French), or could become a real European lingua franca. The latter option seems most reasonable as the English language has taken a firm foothold among young (and older) Europeans but entails that by taking back control of its decision-making processes by leaving the EU, the UK will lose the little control over the English language it currently still has. This tendency was already taking place both internationally as within the EU but will greatly accelerate after Brexit.
El equilibrio de seguridad liderado por Francia frente a la OTAN
The much-discussed question of the relevance of NATO after the end of the Cold War is reappearing due to increasing disagreements between the United States of America (USA) and the European Union (EU). The search of strategic autonomy of European countries led by France leads to questioning of the trans-Atlantic alliance. This questioning has become visible especially after the election of U.S. President Donald Trump, who expressed his doubts about the relevance of NATO. While the USA is disengaging with security issues related with European security, European countries are searching ways to find a common security and defense policy. The French President Emmanuel Macron has laid out several initiatives such as Permanent Structure Cooperation (PESCO), which aims at coordinating and deepening defense cooperation among EU member countries and European Intervention Initiative (EI2), which shares the goals of PESCO but operates outside EU framework. Although these initiatives are referred officially as complementary structures to NATO, they reflect Europe’s desire to break free from U.S. security umbrella and become an independent political body in world politics. France, which has traditionally been wary of U.S. security dominance over Europe, is taking the lead in structuring European security institutions and merging France’s interest with European interests.
The Potential of EU Connectivity through Missions and Smart Specialization
Mission-oriented innovation and smart specialisation are internationally familiar concepts. They hold the potential to add more profundity to the EU thinking and modelling of its connectivity approach towards Asia and the world in general. The existing policy, governance frameworks and implementation instruments of smart specialisation and innovation could provide connectivity with evidence-informed lessons learnt and research findings from various parts of the world. Both frameworks for innovation and research could steer the EU connectivity approach away from controversies tied to the weaponised interdependence and strategic autonomy, including the bundle of concepts that come along with this vulnerabilities-oriented intellectual current. Research-intensity and mutual learning are elements that the mission-oriented innovation and smart specialisation could bring to the overall spectrum of thematic dimensions and implementation measures of the EU approach towards sustainably and trustfully connecting to Asia and other parts of the world.
El Sinn Féin en la Unión Europea: La evolución de la política de autodeterminación tras el Brexit
The European Union is the most ambitious regional integration project in the world. Yet as the supranational entity has expanded so have the number of minority nationalist parties seeking independence from their respective member states. There is much discussion in the literature about whether these parties trend pro or anti-European. Sinn Féin is a Northern Irish republican party that has undergone an evolution in its EU policy. Brexit, and the related negotiations, have brought forth the issue of self determination in Northern Ireland and the role of the European Union, twenty-years after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement ended the Troubles. This paper traces Sinn Féin’s EU policy from 1973 to the present and finds that the party has moved from opposition to critical engagement and, now, to a more positive partnership. Sinn Féin’s EU policy in the Brexit era shows the long-term impacts of the Europeanisation of the peace process, offering an altered framework for self-determination in Northern Ireland.
Regional Disintegration: Causes, Consequences and Contradictions
Along its history, the South American subcontinent has demonstrated strong wishes oriented to regional integration, and particularly starting from 1960 with the foundation of the “Asociación Latinoamericana de Libre Comercio” (ALALC). However, until nowadays, the main actors in the continental landscape keep being the national states, while the regional organizations created until now have become more or less effective spaces of dialogue between countries or even reached their complete failure. The present article takes as its main objective that of demystify those that I consider “false obstacles” to regional integration, pointing then out the real limits which hinder a real, deep and mature cooperation between south American countries and, finally, proposing some possible solutions for south American regional integration to pass from its current adolescence to a complete maturity.